The Economics of Success – Why Bayern Munich will beat Chelsea

Munich - Allianz Arena after soccer game

I’m neither a supporter of Bayern Munich nor of Chelsea FC. In Germany, I fiercely support the team from the city I was born. Here in England I support the one that plays in the district where I live.

Hence, with regard to this years Champions League final, I’m perfectly neutral.

However, I’m also an economist. And based on my professional background I’m rather confident that Bayern Munich will beat Chelsea this weekend.

This forecast is not based on the fact that Bayern will play on its home turf. It is rationally derived from purely economic arguments: Judged by the current market value of the individual playes, Bayern will have the stronger and more powerful squad on the ground. Continue reading

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Editors of leading Finance journals condemn coerced citations

In February, a study about coerced citations in academic journals made headlines. Allen W. Wilhite and Eric A. Fong (both: The University of Alabama, Huntsville) revealed that editors frequently and deliberately force researchers to quote articles that originally have not been considered relevant by them (full story here).

Now, the editors of the Journal of Finance and five other Finance journals have teamed up. In a joint statement, they condemn the practise and stress:

“[We] hereby affirm that it has been, and will continue to be, our policy to avoid coercive citation practices.

While we retain professional discretion to suggest that authors cite particular papers, we will do so only when scientifically appropriate, and without regard to the journal where the cited paper is published.”

This statement is signed by the editors of the following journals: Journal of Finance, Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, Journal of Financial Economics, Review of Asset Pricing Studies, Review of Corporate Finance Studies and Review of Financial Studies.

I think this is an important move. Let’s hope that other journals will follow suit.

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University of Zurich: Forced retirement for Bruno Frey

Economist Bruno Frey (cropped image)

After all, the University of Zurich gets tough against Bruno Frey.

The faculty has decided to force him into retirement. The current contract with Bruno Frey, which is going to run out at the end of July 2012, will not be renewed.

Probably as a matter of retaliation, Bruno Frey has severely criticised his faculty in an op-ed he published in a major Swiss daily. Between the lines, he urged the Swiss government to cut the funding for the economics department of the University of Zurich.

After weeks of unconfirmed rumours about the decision, the University of Zurich on Sunday officially announced that they won’t prolong Frey’s contract.

The press office declined to explain the reasons for this decisions pointing to the fact that HR affairs are confidential.

However, as sources at the university explained to me, Frey’s dodgy academic conduct is at the core of the ruling. Continue reading

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An interview with Amartya Sen: “There is a democratic failure in Europe”

Starting this Thursday, the third annual meeting of the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET) is going to take place in Berlin. Prior to the meeting, my colleague Dorit Heß and I  had the opportunity to interview the  Nobel laureate Amartya Sen for Handelsblatt. Here’s an English version of the Q&A. 

Question: Professor Sen, do you have the impression that economists and economic policy makers are learning the right lessons from the most severe economic and financial crisis since the Great Depression?

Answer: I don’t think that at all. I’m quite disappointed by the nature of economic thinking as well as social thinking that connects economics with politics.

What’s going wrong?

Several features of policy making are worrying, particularly in Europe. The first is a democratic failure. An economic policy has to be ultimately something that people understand, appreciate and support. That’s what democracy is all about. The old idea of “no taxation without representation” is not there in Europe at the moment.

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Self-plagiarism: Bruno Frey gets away with a slap on the wrist

The University of Zurich has finally closed its investigation into the academic conduct of Bruno Frey, who has been accused of prolific self-plagiarism. The economist is getting away with a slap on the wrist.

In a single case, he was formally reprimaned by the university but no other actions were taken. This means that the rebuke is purely symbolic.

The external commission, consisting of  Richard Layard, Christopher Pissarides (both: London School of Economics)  and Georg Winckler (University of Vienna) apparently just looked at the papers dealing with the sinking of the Titanic and ignored the numerous other cases of self-plagiarism by Frey.

With regards to self-plagiarism, the commission

“rates the behavior by Frey et al. as improper. As universities are responsible for fostering research integrity, it recommends to reprimand Frey et al, although without any further action, expecting that this event remains a one-off event.”

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The Bundesbank and Target2 – the about-face that wasn’t

It appeared like a stunning about-face. Earlier this month, press reports suggested that Bundesbank president Jens Weidmann was deeply worried about the imbalances in the Target2 payment system of the Euro area.

According to these reports, in a letter to Mario Draghi Weidmann urged the ECB to beef up the Target2 liabilities of countries like Greece, Ireland, Spain and Portugal with additional collateral.

“Euro Intelligence” even claimed that Weidmann labeled the Target2 imbalances as a “major concern”. The website also suggested that the Bundesbank has taken up proposals initially made by Hans-Werner Sinn to fix the imbalances in the Target2 system. (Sinn himself shares this impression.)

If all this really was true, it would be a complete U-turn by the Bundesbank. For one year, the German central bank has been arguing that Target2 liabilities do not constitute any additional risks neither for the German central bank nor the Euro system. For example, in February 20111 a press release asserted:

“The size and distribution of the Target2 balances across the Eurosystem central banks are, however, irrelevant to their risk exposure from the provision of funds by the Eurosystem: Target2 balances do not pose specific risks to individual central banks.”

As the Bundesbank pointed out in these days, Target2 balances do

“not create any new specific risk not already contained in monetary policy refinancing operations”.

Similar statements were made in Bundesbank’s March 2011 monthly bulletin as well as in a piece by Bundesbank staff published in the CESifo bulletin. (Note that the ECB made similar points in its October 2011 monthly bulletin and that the former chief economist, Jürgen Stark, strongly opposed the claims of Hans-Werner Sinn.)

If Weidmann now really considered the Target2 claims by the Bundesbank as a “major concern”, this would undermine the credibility of the German central bank.

It would either imply that the central bank tried to hoodwink the public into thinking that the Target2 imbalances were harmless while they were in fact risky.

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Bundesbank’s Weidmann on the origin and meaning of the Target2 balances

A couple of days ago, Jens Weidmann, the President of Deutsche Bundesbank, published an op-ed about the  ”origin and meaning of the Target2 balances” in Germany’s “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung” and the Dutch daily “Het Financieele Dagblatt”. The Bundesbank has now also produced an English version of Weidmann’s piece. Here it is:  

Jens Weidmann, President of Deutsche Bundesbank: "I believe the idea that monetary union may fall apart is quite absurd."

Target2 has recently been subjected to critical scrutiny in connection with the Eurosystem’s role in containing the sovereign debt crisis. But what does this ominous term, which many people equate with additional risks for the taxpayer, actually mean?

Target2 is, in effect, a European money grid through which liquidity circulates in the euro area. It is a payment system used for the cross-border transfer of central bank money between euro-area national central banks (NCBs). This liquidity arises in the individual countries predominantly as a result of the NCB’s refinancing operations with commercial banks.

Liquidity is transferred whenever central bank money is transmitted from one country to another. This results in claims on and liabilities to the European Central Bank (ECB), which acts as a kind of clearing house. The transferring central bank records a liability – a negative Target2 balance. The recipient central bank is credited with a claim – a positive Target2 balance. If euro-area monetary policy were centralised at the ECB, there would not be any Target2 balances; however, this would not inherently alter the risks associated with providing liquidity.

Prior to the financial crisis, these balances more or less offset each other. The NCBs provided banks with liquidity via refinancing operations, chiefly to enable them to meet their minimum reserve requirements and to put cash into circulation. Banks’ cross-border funding requirements were generally met via private capital flows, for instance through interbank lending and borrowing.

With the onset of the financial crisis, and especially following the emergence of the sovereign debt crisis, confidence in public finances and national banking systems started to shrink in a number of countries. Private sources of funding, including the interbank market, contracted, were regarded as too costly or all but dried up. To fund their liquidity needs resulting, for instance, from the sale of goods or capital outflows, banks turned increasingly to the Eurosystem.

This was possible because the Eurosystem has progressively expanded its provision of liquidity since the onset of the financial crisis, now providing unlimited amounts (full allotment), at low interest rates and for significantly longer maturities. At the same time, the Eurosystem has perceptibly lowered its collateral standards, eg for ratings.

This has considerably changed the Eurosystem’s role as a liquidity provider. Whereas before, it provided only the bare minimum of central bank money, the Eurosystem has now largely taken over the liquidity functions of the interbank market and other cross-border capital flows.

The total volume of refinancing transactions has risen from approximately €460 billion on the eve of the financial crisis to over €1,100 billion at last count, and the average maturity of the transactions has spiralled from a few weeks to almost three years. The share of euro-area peripheral countries in the volume of refinancing operations has concurrently climbed from one-sixth to around two-thirds. The continued net outflow of liquidity from the peripheral countries has caused them to accumulate combined Target2 liabilities in excess of €750 billion.

It is the Eurosystem’s task to provide central bank money – to solvent banks in return for sufficient collateral and without endangering price stability. This ensures the provision of credit to the economy, and can also strengthen financial market stability. However, it is essential to keep monetary policy and fiscal policy strictly segregated and, in particular, to stringently observe the prohibition on the monetary financing of governments.

Neither providing life support to ailing banks nor propping up the solvency of sovereigns falls under the remit of monetary policy. Decisions relating to the redistribution of major solvency risks of banks or governments among taxpayers across the euro area is the sole responsibility of elected governments and parliaments.

Admittedly, it is not always possible to clearly differentiate between liquidity shortages and solvency risks of banks and, precisely in times of crisis, a certain degree of flexibility is appropriate for a short time. However, this can also inflate risks on central banks’ balance sheets, and moral hazard may assume a critical dimension.

An increase in Target2 balances may thus mirror a bona fide monetary policy response to a looming liquidity crisis within the bounds of its mandate. To that extent – as the Bundesbank has repeatedly pointed out – criticism of the Target2 balances per se is misplaced.

As I see it, the Bundesbank’s Target2 claims do not constitute a risk in themselves because I believe the idea that monetary union may fall apart is quite absurd. Whether and to what extent losses arising from liquidity provision actually impinge on the Bundesbank’s balance sheet does not depend on the volume of the Bundesbank’s Target2 claims. This is also true for the hypothetical scenario, which has sparked much public debate, of a member state with a negative Target2 balance potentially exiting monetary union.

Even in such a case – which I consider to be highly unlikely – the risk remains rooted in the nature and volume of the liquidity provision. This might result in partial defaults on the ECB’s claims. However, any losses sustained by the ECB would have to be borne jointly by all Eurosystem central banks, irrespective of the size of their Target2 balance.

In the Eurosystem, however, there is broad agreement that the non-standard monetary policy measures are limited and temporary, and that they may on no account be used as a pretext to postpone necessary financial and economic policy reforms. It is an uppermost concern of mine to ensure that this does not give rise to any stability risks, such as would be the case if the public were to believe that monetary policy were being held hostage by fiscal policy.

The risks that the Eurosystem is assuming are, to a certain extent, unavoidable, but we are making every possible effort to ensure that these remain within justifiable bounds. This will be aided by Eurosystem efforts to speedily devise a plan for central banks to scale back the extensive provision of liquidity in a timely manner so as to preclude the danger of inflation. At the end of the day it is the member states, and not the central banks, that hold the key to resolving the crisis.

This is the English version of an op-ed by Jens Weidmann, the President of Deutsche Bundesbank, which was published earlier in “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung” and “Het Financieele Dagblatt”. The translation was provided by Deutsche Bundesbank and is also available on its website.

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Coerced citations and manipulated impact factors – the dirty tricks of academic journals

A number of business and economic journals systematically manipulate their impact factors and try to artificially boost their academic reputation. This is the staggering conclusion of a survey conducted by two American economists, Allen W. Wilhite and Eric A. Fong, both affiliated with The University of Alabama, Huntsville.

The authors reveal that editors frequently and deliberately force researchers to quote articles that originally have not been considered relevant by them. Usually the editors them them to refer to articles which were published in the very same journal the authors submitted their work to. However, some editors even try to push the citation of individual articles and researchers. Says Eric A. Fong:

“This type of behavior hurts all of academia and affects the integrity of academic publications.”

Among the worst offenders are a number of leading management journals: the “Journal of Business Research”, the “Journal of Retailing” and “Marketing Science” top the ranking of rogue journals (see page 40 of this document) compiled in the paper entitled “Coercive Citation in Academic Publishing”.

Two journals in Economics and Finance also make it to the infamous Top 10 list: “The Journal of Banking and Finance” and “Applied Economics”.

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Are Credit Ratings Massively Overrated?

A striking new paper by two economists with Brandeis University and Oxford fundamentally questions the informational content of credit ratings. How “incomprehensible and irrational” are the assessments of Standard & Poor’s, Moody’s and Fitch?

Try your luck at the big rating gamble. (c) Klaus Meinhardt, 2012

Christian Noyer is usually a calm and sober-minded central banker. Last December, however, the president of the Banque de France was unusually outspoken and indulged himself in a vitriolic rant against credit rating agencies. According to Noyer, their assessments had become nothing less than “incomprehensible and irrational”. Some decisions “do not seem to be justified on the basis of economic fundamentals,” Noyer complained.

A new study by two economists now provides empirical evidence for this drastic view. Jens Hilscher (Brandeis University International Business School) and Mungo WilsonSaïd Business School, University of Oxford) come to the conclusion that credit ratings do not contain much information about actual default probabilities. “The informational value of credit ratings is surprisingly low,” says Hilscher in summarising the key findings of the paper entitled “Credit Ratings and Credit Risk.”

More often than not a rather simple analysis of publicly available data easily beats the assessments of the credit rating agencies and gives a much better picture about the actual default risks, the researchers observe. “The judgements of the credit rating agencies are significantly over-rated ,“ concludes Hilscher.

These results are directly challenging the pivotal role credit agencies currently play on world financial markets. The agencies largely enjoy their dominant position thanks to the decisions of financial regulators. For instance, a lot of investment funds are only allowed to hold assets with a certain minimum rating. The equity buffers that banks have to put aside to protect themselves against potential losses in the current regulatory framework also hinge on the assessment of S&P, Moody’s and Fitch.

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“Stronger than I expected” – Gerald Epstein on AEA disclosure guidelines

One year ago, Gerald Epstein and Jessica Carrick-Hagenbarth, two economists at  the University of Massachusetts Amherst, organised an open letter to the American Economic Association urging the organisation to

“adopt a code of ethics that requires disclosure of potential conflicts of interest that can arise between economists’ roles as economic experts and as paid consultants, principals or agents for private firms”.

More than 300 economists signed the letter, among them Nobel laureate George Akerlof and Christina Romer, a former advisor to US president Barack Obama.

Almost exactly one year later, the American Economic Association in fact agreed on a new disclosure codex. (Luigi Zingales also presented an interesting paper on the “Capture of Economists”.)

What do the authors of the open letter make of the new guidelines? I did an interview with Gerald Epstein, who wasn’t involved in the discussions about the new rules.

Olaf Storbeck: Gerald, what do you think about the new AEA disclosure guidelines? Are you satisfied?

Gerald Epstein:  I think the AEA guidelines are a very big step forward. They make very clear the importance of disclosure of potential conflicts of interest by economists and set out in detail the types of conflicts that should be disclosed. In some ways these guidelines are stronger than i had expected.

For example?

They require disclosure with respect to publication in AEA journals, rather than just recommend it. And they require such disclosure with respect to a broad range of possible conflicts including those connected to groups that might have an ideological interest in the outcome of the article and not just material or financial. While this cuts a broad area, I think it is healthy.

The guidelines also suggest that these same criteria for disclosure apply to all other publications, including non academic publications, media appearances and testimonies. By suggesting their application to these areas, as well as by requiring such disclosures for AEA publications, these guidelines will help to set norms of behavior that colleagues, the press, students and citizens can help hold economists accountable to.

Is there anything missing?

One could quibble about the $10,000 limit. For an economist who makes a low salary, smaller amounts would have a significant impact. Still, I think that as a bench mark, the $10,000 figure is fine since it will catch most of the economists for whom such kinds of activities are an important part of their work.

What should happen next?

These guidelines should be widely promoted and reported on in the press and it would be important for journalists, students and others to try to see if such guidelines can be broadly implemented for other publications, TV and radio appearances, etc. The point would be to make such guidelines a broad norm that are widely implemented .

Will these guidelines have any impact?

I do think they will have an impact in terms of providing information to the public. it is very difficult to predict whether it will have an impact on the professional activities of economists. It will take five  years or so to see that.

Would you recommend economic associations abroad to adapt similar guidelines?

Yes. Absolutely. I think this would be a good starting point for other associations. If they do not have publications, then they could still recommend the broad guidelines as indicated in point 7 of the guidelines. In fact it would be good to start with point 7 and then if they have publications, then require that they apply to the organizations’ publications.

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